Church youth work is the activities and programs organized by churches for young people. These activities aim to contribute to the religious, spiritual and social development of young people. Church youth work brings young people together and supports them in areas such as religious education, spiritual development, community service, leadership development and active participation in the religious community. It is seen that youth work, which was previously a part of family work, has been organized as a different field of work (...) over time. Churches carry out activities in this field through an organizational structure called youth ministry. Churches generally have a certain systematic and work program in their youth work. Most churches organize their youth programs according to the relevant educational levels. Churches tend to create smaller sub-groups within the youth program and divide young people by grade level. These divisions are usually at the middle and high school level, but youth groups extend to university students and are often referred to as "college and career". Higher education seems to be emphasized in youth work. Many theological faculties offer different postgraduate programs to meet various needs. The quality of youth work is largely determined by the academic studies conducted in this field. Practical theology, which is established as an academic discipline in faculties of theology, both provides the theoretical background that shapes the practice of these studies and provides training to train qualified personnel in the field. The approach to youth ministry can vary, taking into account the different views on the subject, the places where this ministry is provided and the characteristics of people. There are different paradigms in church youth work, especially for young people living in cities. These are called traditional, liberal, activist and prophet-centered youth paradigms. Another pillar of church youth work is spiritual counseling services. Recently, churches have started to employ professional spiritual counselors. Spiritual counseling, a concept that emphasizes the Christian cultural origins of counseling, is now included in youth work. Spiritual counseling is seen as a professional guidance fed by religious and spiritual sources. Church spiritual counselors listen to the problems faced by young people, support them and try to understand them. Spiritual counselors provide guidance based on religious teachings and values to support the personal development of young people. Spiritual counseling conducted by churches can take various forms. These include individual counseling, group counseling, family counseling, online counseling, retreats and workshops. The personnel who carry out the youth work of the churches are also called youth leaders. Accordingly, it is seen that various leadership models in the literature are discussed in this context. Some leadership models that are thought to inspire youth work are: Servant leadership, ethical leadership, spiritual leadership and transformational leadership. In this research, these leadership models are discussed in the context of church youth work. This research aims to reveal the basic approaches and principles in this field by focusing on the studies in the context of non-formal religious education in Catholic Churches. Although it varies from region to region or from church to church, the main problem of this study is to examine the youth work of the Catholic Church in the context of non-formal religious education in general. The research data were obtained through document analysis method. On this occasion, it is thought that this study will also be useful in the context of a comparative evaluation of non-formal religious education in our country. (shrink)

Two commentaries by Kamalpaşazade and Birgivi Efendi on Samarqandī's Risālah fī ādāb al-baḥth which is also included.

PREFACE WORD -/- Hilmi Ziya Ülken was born and educated in Istanbul during the last period of the Ottoman Empire and worked in many fields of the intellectual life of the newly established Republic. Although he was interested in many fields of social sciences, he gained fame in the fields of Turkish thought and Islamic philosophy, and undertook important tasks in revealing and introducing medieval Islamic thinkers and post-Tanzimat Turkish thought. Again, due to his deep knowledge of Eastern and Western (...) philosophies, he was a thinker who made comparative studies and revealed the similarities and differences in both cultures. Apart from philosophy, which is his main field of interest, he also wrote works in the fields of sociology, anthropology, logic, history, novels, poetry, painting, miniature painting and even calligraphy. Ülken served as a bridge to the disconnect in our culture due to the Alphabet Revolution through the works he wrote and the students he trained. He made great contributions to Turkish-Islamic thought with his maturity period works, especially when he was a faculty member in the field of systematic philosophy at Ankara University Faculty of Theology. The philosophy of being, which constitutes the main axis of our study, is intertwined with metaphysics and ontology. Metaphysics, which deals with the question of "what being is", and ontology, which seeks to answer the question of "what kind of the same things exist in essence", are closely related; in fact, it is almost impossible to separate these two fields. Metaphysics, or the philosophy of being, is the most important and yet the most problematic field of philosophy. This is because throughout the history of philosophy there are many philosophers who do not see metaphysics as a field of philosophy. Especially in the Enlightenment period, metaphysics was seen as unobservable and incapable of meaningful discourse because it included topics such as God, the soul and universals. Some positivist thinkers even saw metaphysics as a continuation of animist discourse, the biggest obstacle to progress and Enlightenment, and criticized it severely. As a continuation of this understanding, metaphysics has been viewed negatively in our country since the early years of the Republic, and some philosophers have ignored an important field of philosophy by saying, "Metaphysics is not philosophy; philosophy is not metaphysics." In fact, in contemporary Western philosophy, Heidegger, Heidegger, Heidegger, Heidegger, Heidegger, Heidegger, Heidegger, Heidegger, Heidegger, Heidegger, Heidegger. In fact, in contemporary Western philosophy, philosophers such as Heidegger (1889-1976), Sartre (1905-1980) and Merleau-Ponty (1908-1961) attempted to demolish metaphysics in order to solve the problem of existence, but in doing so they themselves had to do metaphysics. When we ignore metaphysics, we ignore an important field of philosophy and an important function of the philosopher. Because in the pithy words of Ibn Rushd (1126-1198), "Man is a being who does metaphysics." Again, according to the Andalusian philosopher Ibn Bâjce (1077-1139), a virtuous society is one that emphasizes the metaphysical dimension of human beings. Although Ülken grew up in a period when metaphysics was viewed negatively, he wrote many works in this field and attached great importance to metaphysics. In fact, one of his first works was Metaphysics (1928), which is important in this respect. In addition, one of his mature works, Being and Becoming (1968), which is a summary of his philosophy, also shows the importance he attached to metaphysics. Ülken attached great importance to the philosophy of being (ontology) in his philosophical studies. He even wrote on this subject in his Felsefe Dersleri: Bilgi ve Vücûd Nazariyeleri (Metafizik) (Philosophy Lectures: Knowledge and Body Theory -Metaphysics) (1928), Aşk Ahlâkı (Love Ethics) (1931), İnsanî Vatanperverlik (Humanitarian Patriotism) (1933), and Varlık ve Oluş (Being and Becoming) (1968). These works on ontology are among the first publications in his field in Turkish. According to him, the basic subject of philosophy is existence. Other fields should be built on this philosophy. During our study, the most important problem was the change in Ülken's thought between his works. We also encountered difficulties such as the scattered nature of his works, the lack of a systematic system, the lack of methodological sensitivity in footnotes and citations, and the use of some terms in their original form instead of their Turkish equivalents. (shrink)

PREFACE WORD -/- Hilmi Ziya Ülken was born in Istanbul during the last period of the Ottoman Empire, was educated during this period and worked in many areas of the intellectual life of the newly established Republic. Although he was interested in many fields of social sciences, he gained fame in philosophy, sociology, history of thought and literature. Again, he undertook important tasks in revealing and introducing medieval Islamic thinkers and post-Tanzimat Turkish thought, and due to his deep knowledge of (...) Eastern and Western philosophies, he made comparative studies in these fields and tried to reveal the similarities and differences in both cultures. Many graduate studies, book chapters and articles have been written about such an important thinker whose works are also recognized abroad. Among the thinkers of the Republican Era, Ülken is one of the most studied names. In this study, Ülken's biography, his intellectual adventure, his understanding of philosophy and his ideas about the life of thought are discussed panoramically, and the bibliographic information obtained about his articles and other works that have not yet been fully revealed has been added to the study. Another important document added to this study is Ülken's biography written in his own handwriting. Our hope is that with the completion of the information missing in this study, a complete portrait of Ülken will be revealed. When Ülken's works are taken into consideration, it is understood that he wrote works in many fields of social sciences. The fact that he did not concentrate on a certain field but worked in many fields has been a frequently criticized aspect of him. In this sense, we think that the phrase "A Thinker of Mütebahhir", which we wrote as a subtitle to the title of our study, defines him very well. Many names have used the adjective mütebahhir, which means ocean and depth in Ottoman Turkish, about Ülken. While Necati Öner used it in a positive sense, names such as Cemil Meriç (1916-1987) and İsmail Tunalı (1923-2015) used it in a sense that includes negative connotations, such as saying words in every field, his knowledge is unlimited but formless and non-systematic, and Salâh Birsel (1919-1999) wrote on every subject. On the other hand, scholars such as Kurtuluş Kayalı and Ali Utku, who have recently conducted competent studies on Ülken, have emphasized that Ülken - contrary to popular belief - thought and worked within a system and was very sensitive about his system of thought. When Ülken's works are examined in general, it is seen that many of them were formed by turning lecture notes into books, and this situation caused many problems. This situation led to problems such as the disorganization of his works, the lack of a certain systematization, the lack of the necessary methodological sensitivity in footnotes and citations, and the use of some terms in their original language instead of their Turkish equivalents. When we look at the life stories of important thinkers in the history of thought, we observe that they were not only influenced by the social, political, economic, etc. conditions of the period in which they lived, but also that they influenced these conditions in the period in which they lived. The best example of this situation among the thinkers of the early years of the Republic is Ülken. When his works are examined in chronological order, it is noticeable that his ideas constantly changed, that he had to defend the ideas he criticized from time to time, and that he was in a constant search. He explained his works in many fields by saying that he wrote works that would be a source for his own works and that he served as a bridge to the past. The fact that he was a doyen in many fields of social sciences despite having a Mülkiye education can be explained by his self-education. Ülken, who set an example for academics and thinkers with his hard work, diligence, and lifestyle of constantly reading, researching and writing, carried out very important works in his 73 years of life. As Öner, a student of his who knew him closely, says: "In his daily life, Ülken was either reading, writing or philosophizing." Again, Tunalı says about his diligence that "when he was finishing a book, he would have written another book!" It can be said that one of Ülken's efforts was to establish a tradition of sociology and philosophy in Turkey by recognizing the disconnect in our world of thought. Ülken expressed this to his student Necati Öner by saying, "We are a quarter in philosophy, you will be half, and then we will be complete!" While the influence of philosophers and sociologists who came to our country with the educational reforms was quite limited, Ülken succeeded in establishing a tradition in Istanbul Sociology and Ankara Theology. For this reason, important sociologists and philosophers of our country, such as Baykan Sezer (1938-2002) and Kurtuluş Kayalı (born 1949), admitted that "we are students of the Ülken tradition" even though they were not his direct students. Ülken provided an important opening in the social sciences with his methodology that analyzed the problems he dealt with in depth, tried to deal with all aspects of the issues and made synthesis attempts between different ideas. In addition, with the newly established Republic, he made great efforts to collect and translate sources in many fields, especially philosophy, and to carry out activities on a philosophical basis. The fact that his works continued to attract attention in every period after him and were reprinted and read again and again reveals the centrality of his role in the intellectual life of the Republican period. In this study, in which the life, philosophy and thoughts of Hilmi Ziya Ülken, whose valuable contributions to Turkish-Islamic thought are undeniable, have been tried to be presented in general terms, the articles and book chapters I have written about Ülken in various journals and book chapters and whose titles I have given in the bibliography and bibliography section have also been utilized. I hope that this monographic study will make a small contribution to the studies on Ülken, who deserves to be remembered with mercy and gratitude. -/- . (shrink)

Avicenna, 980-1037; Islamic scholar; criticism and interpretation; Islamic philosophy; congresses.

Carrying out analyses performed on the provisions of “Pre-Islamic Divine Laws”, which is described as the religious provisions introduced by the prophets before Prophet Muhammad is one of the questions of debate in Shafiī Sect. The reason laying out of this controversy is based on the question, whether the provisions enunciated via the prophets before the Prophet Muhammad are recognized within the legal aspect, or not. On the other hand, there is no controversy between the procedural, on non-binding for Muslims, (...) about of the previous divine communiqués, which are not mentioned in the Qur’ānor the sunnah, and previous divine messages with evidence that they were abolished despite their presence in these two sources. In the same way, there is no debate about the fact that the provisions of the previous divine religions that were in force for Muslims, such as fasting, also remained in force for Muslims. In this case, with taking part in the Qur’ān or the sunnah, the provisions that there is no evidence about whether they abolished or not, it is debated that they are for Muslims binding or not.In this study, our objective is to carry out analyses and researches on the methodological conceptions of Imam Shafiī and Shafiī lawmen with regards to Pre-Islamic Divine Laws, which have no evidence for being retained in force or being abolished for Muslims despite being mentioned in the Qur’ān or the sunnah, as well as on the level of theoretical conceptions of these scribes being put into practice within the scope of fiqh examples.SummaryIt is a must to identify the scope of Pre-Islamic Divine Laws (Sharia Man Qablanā) [shariah of those before us], which is discussed in terms of being recognized as a shariah evidence by the Shafiī lawmen before analzying the opinions of Shafiī Sect followers. Yet, setting forth the opinions in a healthy manner is based on the identification of the question of debate. Within this context, it is a must to draw up the lines and borders in what the Shafiī lawmen / lawyer and canonists / judiciary mean by the term “Pre-Islamic Divine Laws (Sharia Man Qablanā)” in order to designate the practical results of methodological discussions on Pre-Islamic Divine Laws.Sharia Man Qablanā, of which lexical meaning is “shariah of those before us” is defined in fiqh as follows: “These are the religious provisions acquainted by the prophets before Prophet Muhammad”. In fact, this definition can be categorized as “general” in terms of the evidential value of Sharia Man Qablanā. In that, since it is not possible to carry out an analysis on the reliability of the informational value in the previous divine notices, which cannot be conferred neither in the Holy Qur’ān and the sunnah, each and every lawmen and canonists, including those recognizing Sharia Man Qablanā as hujjat (proof), have come to an agreement that the early divine notices that are not mentioned in the Holy Qur’ān and sunnah will not be recognized in terms of its informational value for Muslims, thus being besides the mark to discuss its validity and bindingness. In this case, the outlines of Sharia Man Qablanā, as controversial in terms of its hujjat value, must be specified. Belonging the earlier divine religions as per the works of lawmen, Sharia Man Qablanā is subjected to a categorization of four part with regard to provisions mentioned in the Holy Qur’ān or the sunnah, whether they are recognized as hujjat by Muslims. 1. The provisions that are not mentioned in the Holy Qur’ān or the sunnah, yet being mentioned only in the earlier monotheistic revelations. The fiqh lawmen have come to an agreement that these provisions are not binding for Muslims, and even that it is not permissible to act in accordance with these provisions. Because, there is no certain information on whether these provisions are reliable.2. The earlier divine notices, which have been proven to be nullified for Muslims, despite being mentioned in the Holy Qur’ān or the sunnah. Since these divine notices have lost their validity, there is a consensus among Muslims that they are not recognized as hujjat. The following hadith is shown as an example as of from the sunnah for this part “Pillage was not halal to those before me, but not it is halal to me” (Muslim, “Masājid”, 56). In that, this hadith indicates that prohibition with regards to the pillage, which was not permissible to the earlier ummahs (nations), is not recognized by Muslims. Thus, rendering pillage as not halal cannot be attributed to Muslims. 3. The provisions of earlier divine religions, which remained in force about Muslims. The canonists exemplify this matter with “fasting”. It can be understood from the verse “O ye who believe! Fasting is prescribed to you as it was prescribed to those before you, that ye may (learn) self-restraint.” (al-Baqara 2/183) that the fasting was a provision as prescribed for the earlier ummahs, which remained in force for Muslims as well. There is no controversy on the matter that fasting is prescribed for Muslims too, as it can be clearly seen from the verse. The hadith of the Prophet Muhammad “It (sacrificing an animal for God) is the sunnah from your Ancestor Ibrahim” (Ibn Majah, “Adāhi”, 3) can be shown as an example that sacrificing an animal for god is applicable to Muslims as well. As a matter of fact, this hadith attests that sacrificing an animal for god is applicable to Muslims, as it is in the religion of the Prophet Ibrahim. 4. The provisions from earlier divine religions, which have no evidence whether they were revoked or remaimed in force for Muslims. The canonists cannot find any evidence for the provisions with regards to the alternative utilization of something between the partners to be recognized as applicable for Muslims within the scope of the following verses: “Here is a she-camel: she has a right of watering, and ye have a right of watering, (severally) on a day appointed” (al-Shu‘ara 26/155) and “And tell them that the water is to be divided between them: Each one's right to drink being brought forward (by suitable turns)” (al-Qamar 54/28). Similarly, there is no evidence that the provisions concerning the retailation, as prescribed in Torah, whether they remained in force or were revoked, as it can be seen in the verse “We ordained therein for them: "Life for life, eye for eye, nose or nose, ear for ear, tooth for tooth, and wounds equal for equal” (al-Ma’ida 5/45). (shrink)

Ḥadīths have been preserved and recorded in various ways since the Companions. These activities continued dur-ing the Tābiīn (the successors of the Companions) Period. So much so that these methods have formed the infra-structure of other methods that will emerge later. In this context, before the 70's (A.H.), works named al-Aṭrāf appeared. However, these first works consisted of the notes that they wrote some of the ḥadīths before coming to the science assemblies to help students remember in ḥadīth learning. Ḥadīth (...) scholars have adopted and applied this method in a very short time. Thus, this method also provided the opportunity for the formation of the first written ḥadīth documents. In addition, with the writing of ḥadīth works, it has turned into a system of al-Taṣnīf and al-Takhrīj in order to make maximum use of these books and to reach the source of a narration that is tried to be found. As a result, al-Aṭrāf literature, which can be evaluated as index, has emerged. As a matter of fact, the first examples of this literature, arranged alphabetically according to the names of the Companions or ḥadīth texts, started to be given since the 4th (A.H.) century. In this way, the way to quickly benefit from the accumulation of the ḥadīth area has been opened. This article focuses on the historical adventure of al-Aṭrāf and their contributions to the ḥadīth field, as well as literature knowledge of the works of al-Aṭrāf which are of great importance for both al-Kitābah, al-Taṣnīf and al-Takhrīj.Summary: In order to understand and practice the religion of Islām, great efforts have been made both in the past and later periods in order to convey the words, verbs, interpretations and qualifications of the Prophet to the next genera-tions as they are protected from all kinds of falsification and changes. This process, which started with memoriza-tion and partly writing at the beginning, has gained momentum with the use of other methods since the period of Tābiīn. In this context, the method of aṭrāf was started to be used to facilitate memorization, to be a reminder, and to transmit the ḥadīth through the hearing of the ḥadīth sheikh. The first examples of this method were seen by Muḥammad b. Sīrīn during his participation of his teacher Abīde/Ubayda Salmān in the scholarly assembly. At this stage, the relevant method was manifested as writing a passage from the beginning of the ḥadīth. Thus, the aforementioned method, which had great contributions in recording and memorizing ḥadīths in accordance with the original, has gained widespreadness and application among the ḥadīth scholars like Ubeydullaḥ b. Omar, Shu’bah b. al-Ḥajjāj, Sufyān as-Sawrī, Mālik b. Anas, Ismāīl b. Ayyāş and Vakī b. Jarrāḥ in a very short time. In this context, Yazīd b. Zuray’ stated that he went to his teacher without his aṭrāf work of ḥadīths which he transmitted from Shu’bah and listened to ḥadīth in this way. Therefore, this mentioned event is important in terms of putting forth that Shu’bah allowed the aṭrāf method in his assemblies. The method was used by Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal, who traveled to Madīnah to convey the reports recorded with the mentioned method of his teacher Abū Alḳama al-Farawī and at the same time listen to the related transfers from him, but who could not reach his goal. Therefore, the related narrations show that aṭrāf method was used effectively by ḥadīth scholars to remember the ḥadīths in the 1st and 2nd centuries, so sections from the narrations were written during the preparatory stage before coming to the scholarly assembly. Ultimately, the importance of these works, which manifest in different ways and offer great contributions to writing, is an undeniable reality for the history of ḥadīth.Aṭrāf, the plural form of taraf that literally means the side and edge of something, mean a section, phrase or first part that indicates the whole of the ḥadīth. This method, along with the formation of ḥadīth literature, has been started to be given as a name to the works organized alphabetically according to the name of the Companions or ḥadīth texts by mentioning some of the ḥadīths with the 4th century. In this sense, aṭrāf has started to become a unique literature in a sort of taṣnīf and takhrīj method in order to make use of the ḥadīth writing easier.Aṭrāf studies may aim to bring together the isnāḍs (chains of transmitters) in all books, or they can be limited to the chains in certain books. Aṭrāf books contain the ḥadīths in the Ṣaḥīḥān or Kutub al-Sittah and are written in alphabetical form based on the name of the companions or according to the texts of ḥadīth. The first of these, which has the attribute of the musnad in a sense, is arranged in alphabetical order according to the name of the Companion, and if there are many people who narrate from him, according to the names of the tābiīn and taba-i tābiīn (successors of the tābiīn). Accordingly, the narrations of each companion were determined and listed in al-phabetical order in aṭrāfs in musnad-type, and a passage was written from the ḥadīths and marked as books/chapters in the places of relevant narration. On the other hand, the second type of aṭrāf books were ar-ranged by giving a few words from a section that allows remembering the head or all of the ḥadīths without in-cluding chains, and then placing these texts in alphabetical order.The type of aṭrāf offers the opportunity to see different chains of narrations together and provides many facilities for the ḥadīth researchers. Therefore, ḥadīth researchers show great interest in this genre. Aṭrāfs provide many benefits for both ḥadīth chain and text. In this respect, it is possible to talk about many advantages of the ḥadīth to its transmister such as the determination of mutawātīr, garīb, azīz, mashhūr, mutābī or the testimony of ḥadīth; to provide facility to make a reputation research of a riwāyah (narration), to provide an opportunity to determine the location of the narrations in the primary sources; to detect the link or any blackout in the chain, to reach the nu-merical knowledge of ḥadīth narrated by a companion or other narrators, to obtain information about narrators whose identity is not explicitly stated, to know the first narrator, to provide the protection of the ḥadīths from taḥrīf or alteration, to give the opportunity to identify the subject they contain, to be able to obtain text integrity by getting various chains, the detection of the sabab al-wurūd (the context of ḥadīth).Due to the contributions we have mentioned above, many books on aṭrāf literature that started with Abu’l-Ḥasen Ali b. Omar ad-Dārakutnī have been published. Among them Aṭrāfu’s-ṣaḥīḥayn/el-Jem`u bayna’s-ṣaḥīḥayn by Abū Mas`ūd Ibrāhīm b. Muḥammad b. Ubayd ad-Dimashkī, Aṭrāfu’s-ṣaḥīḥayn by Abū Muḥammad Ḥalaf b. Muḥammad b. Ali al-Vasiṭī, Zaḫāiru’l-mavārīs fi’d-dalālati alā mavāzi`i’l-hadīs by Abdülganī b. İsmāīl en-Nāblūsī and Tuḥfatu’l-ashrāf bi ma`rifati’l-aṭrāf by Abu’l-Ḥajjāj Yūsuf b. Abdurrahman el-Mizzī can be mentioned. Some of the related works are arranged in musnad style while others are arranged according to the first word of ḥadīth texts. As a result, the method of aṭrāf has become a kind of indexer in order to facilitate reaching the source of the re-ports and make the highest level of use required by the classification and bookings of the ḥadīths in the 3rd centu-ry. These works, arranged alphabetically in the name of the Companions or according to the texts of the ḥadīth, have taken their place in the history of the ḥadīth with their many examples, both in the form of taṣnīf and the method of takhrīj by mentioning a part of the ḥadīth by the head. (shrink)

Nancy Cartwright (1983, 1999) argues that (1) the fundamental laws of physics are true when and only when appropriate ceteris paribus modifiers are attached and that (2) ceteris paribus modifiers describe conditions that are almost never satisfied. She concludes that when the fundamental laws of physics are true, they don't apply in the real world, but only in highly idealized counterfactual situations. In this paper, we argue that (1) and (2) together with an assumption about contraposition entail the opposite conclusion (...) — that the fundamental laws of physics do apply in the real world. Cartwright extracts from her thesis about the inapplicability of fundamental laws the conclusion that they cannot figure in covering-law explanations. We construct a different argument for a related conclusion — that forward-directed idealized dynamical laws cannot provide covering-law explanations that are causal. This argument is neutral on whether the assumption about contraposition is true. We then discuss Cartwright's simulacrum account of explanation, which seeks to describe how idealized laws can be explanatory. (shrink)

Rigveda, Hint alt kıtasının en eski metinlerinden biri olarak, antik Vedik dönemin dini, felsefi ve kültürel yaşamına dair paha biçilmez bilgiler sunar. Bu kutsal kitap, karmaşık ilahiler, ritüeller ve mitolojik anlatılar yoluyla Hindistan’ın manevi ve düşünsel mirasının temellerini şekillendirir. Bu çalışma, Hint kültürünün köklerini ve gelişimini anlamada kritik bir rol oynayarak, yüzyıllar boyunca süregelen dini ritüeller, sosyal yapılar ve kozmolojik anlayışların şekillenmesine dair önemli veriler sunar. Makale, Rigveda’da yer alan Vedik yacña (kurban) ritüelini mercek altına alır; özellikle Soma kurbanının detaylı (...) ritüellerine ve rahiplerin bu törenlerdeki kritik rollerine dikkat çeker. Bu inceleme, eski Hint toplumunda rahiplerin dini ve sosyo-ekonomik etkilerini vurgulayarak, onların toplumdaki yerini ve önemini tartışır. Seçilen ilahilerin niteliksel tematik analizi, karmaşık ritüelistik çerçeveyi çözerek rahiplerin çok yönlü işlevlerine ve Vedik toplumunun toplumsal ve ruhani dengesini korumak için çok önemli bir rahip ücretlendirme biçimi olan ‘dakşiṇā’ sisteminin etkilerine ışık tutmaktadır. Araştırma, ritüelistik performanslar ile doğal dünya arasında simbiyotik bir ilişki olduğunu ileri sürerek, bu ritüellerin etkili bir şekilde uygulanmasının başta yağış olmak üzere çevresel olayları etkilediğine inanıldığını ve böylece insan dini pratiklerinin kozmik düzenle iç içe geçtiğini öne sürmektedir. Metinsel incelemeyi bilimsel yorumlarla bütünleştiren bu çalışma, Vedik kurban uygulamalarına dair kavrayışımızı geliştirmekte ve bunları Vedik dünya görüşünün şekillenmesinde merkezi bir rol oynayan manevi niyetler, maddi sonuçlar ve kozmolojik ilkelerin sofistike bir sentezi olarak tasvir etmektedir. Çalışma, bu eski ritüellerin ruhban sınıfı ile halk arasında nasıl karşılıklı bir dinamik oluşturduğunu, sosyal hiyerarşileri güçlendirirken aynı zamanda topluluğun manevi ve maddi refahını nasıl sağladığını incelemektedir. Bulgular, Vedik ritüellerin yalnızca dini törenler olarak değil, eski Hindistan’ın kültürel ethosunu, toplumsal yapılarını ve dini doktrinlerini şekillendiren temel unsurlar olarak kalıcı etkisinin altını çizmektedir. Rigveda’da ifade edildiği şekliyle kurban uygulamaları, toplumsal uyum için kritik bir araç olarak ortaya çıkmakta, ruhani ve zamansal olanın birbirine bağlılığına dair köklü bir inancı yerleştirmekte ve böylece Vedik dinin aşkın ve pragmatik boyutlarına dair incelikli bir bakış açısı sunmaktadır. Bu çalışma, Vedik kurban ritüelleri, sosyal düzenin oluşumu ve kadim Hint düşüncesinde tanrısalın nasıl algılandığı arasındaki kompleks bağlantıyı açıklamakta, böylece bu eski törenlerin Hinduizm’deki sonraki dini ve kültürel pratikler üzerindeki kalıcı etkisini ve mirasını detaylı bir şekilde ortaya koymaktadır. (shrink)

Mehmet Karabela draws upon Carl Schmitt’s analysis more explicitly to interrogate and understand how Islamic and Western scholars have conceptualized an “apolitical” Islam that could then be politicized. He applies Schmitt’s friend/enemy distinction as characteristic of the political to the study of Islam and shows how Islam has always been political and religious at the same time in this context. Liberalism posits a separate realm of religion and politics that it charges Islam and other political religions wrongly mix, but (...) there is no intrinsic separation of politics from religion in a post-secular context, and we have many lessons to learn of and from Islam. Rather than the modern nation-state, which is the locus for Schmitt, the polity of Islam is more situated on the Muslim community, which is less determinate and defined. Every community, particularly every religious community, is potentially political in the Schmittian context. (shrink)

One of the important aspects of the classical kalām is that the philosophical topics related to physics and cosmology, namely daqīq or laṭīf al-kalām, have an important place in it. The reason for the involvement of the kalām scholars (mutakallimūn) in these kinds of issues is commonly regarded as an effort to defend Islamic beliefs against other religions and thought systems. However, when their studies are examined closely, the complexity of their concepts and theories, as well as the fact that (...) they discussed these matters not only with opposing groups but also among themselves, show that kalām had a much deeper and integrated relationship with science and philosophy in the classical period. Their engagement with philosophical and scientific matters, such body (jism), substance/atom (jawhar), accident (ʿaraḍ), motion, space, time, and causality dates back to the mid-8th century and displays great diversity. Although the mutakallimūn probably were the first ones to deal with physics-related issues in Islamic thought, it cannot be said that they are given the importance they deserve in modern studies pertaining to the history of science and philosophy in Islamic thought. The fact that, in kalām works, physics-related questions were generally discussed along with theological matters has caused the scholarship of mutakallimūn to be regarded as an adjunct of apologetic discipline and has thereby led to a limited description of kalām’s relationship with science and philosophy in the classical period. This set of circumstances hinders a proper understanding of how science and philosophy emerged and evolved in Islamic thought. In the present article, I will attempt to present the place and role of physical topics, namely daqīq or laṭīf al-kalām, in classical kalām, between the 9th and 11th centuries. Firstly, I will show how the classical mutakallimūn divided kalām into two parts, namely ‘major’ (jalīl) matters, which are based on revelation, and ‘subtle’ (daqīq) or ‘obscure’ (laṭīf) matters, which mainly depend on reason. Matters surrounding jalīl al-kalām indicate the theological problems on which the mutakallimūn had a general agreement, such as God’s oneness, revelation, prophethood, and eschatology. Questions discussed under the category of daqīq or laṭīf al-kalām mostly correspond to philosophical and scientific issues concerning epistemology, physics, and cosmology. Secondly, I will examine to what extent the mutakallimūn dealt with physical sciences and what kind of topics were primarily discussed in the field of daqīq or laṭīf al-kalām. The upshot of this will be that the claim that the mutakallimūn were interested in physics and cosmology merely for apologetic purposes is unsound; rather, in the 9th and 10th centuries, many Muslim theologians also concerned themselves with issues such as motion, void, body, and causality as truth seekers. That being the case, the mutakallimūn should be taken into consideration in studies related to the emergence and rise of science and philosophy in Islamic thought. (shrink)

One and a half months after Victor Hugo died in 1885, Beşir Fuad published a biography of him, in which Fuad defended Emile Zola’s naturalism and realism against Hugo’s romanticism. This resulted in the most important dispute in nineteenth-century Turkish literary history, the hakikiyyûn and hayâliyyûn debate, with the former represented by Beşir Fuad and the latter represented by Menemenlizâde Mehmet Tahir. This article focuses on the form of this debate rather than its content, and this focus reveals how (...) the tension between classical and post-classical Islamic intellectual history had become deeply embedded in Ottoman Turkish literary history by the late 1800s. This particular event demonstrates two points: that dialectical disputation was viewed negatively as a return to the seemingly primitive practices of an antiquated mentality, as opposed to the relatively enlightened apodictic argumentation ; and that trajectories of Ottoman Turkish literary history can be understood within the context of general Islamic intellectual history. (shrink)

Sober [2011] argues that some causal statements are a priori true and that a priori causal truths are central to explanations in the theory of natural selection. Lange and Rosenberg [2011] criticize Sober's argument. They concede that there are a priori causal truths, but maintain that those truths are only ‘minimally causal’. They also argue that explanations that are built around a priori causal truths are not causal explanations, properly speaking. Here we criticize both of Lange and Rosenberg's claims.

In Nicomachean Ethics VII, Aristotle offers an account of akrasia that purports to salvage the kernel of truth in the Socratic paradox that people act against what is best only through ignorance. Despite Aristotle’s apparent confidence in having identified the sense in which Socrates was right about akrasia, we are left puzzling over Aristotle’s own account, and the extent to which he agrees with Socrates. The most fundamental interpretive question concerns the sense in which Aristotle takes the akratic to be (...) ignorant. The received view in the literature has been the intellectualist interpretation, which takes akratic agents to be so ignorant of the wrongness of what they do as to be unaware of it. In recent decades, many scholars have identified serious problems in this interpretation and have moved towards the non-intellectualist reading, the strong version of which takes clearheaded akrasia to be possible. There is, however, a glaring shortage of discussion of the difficulties facing the strong... (shrink)

Plato’s view on pleasure in the Republic emerges in the course of developing the third proof of his central thesis that the just man is happier than the unjust. Plato presents it as the “greatest and most decisive” proof of his central thesis, so one might expect to find an abundance of scholarly work on it. Paradoxically, however, this argument has received little attention from scholars, and what has been written on it has generally been harshly critical. I believe that (...) this treatment of the argument has been unfair and that the relevant passages deserve a more careful and charitable interpretation. In this paper, I take up two serious charges that scholars have leveled against this proof, that it is inconsistent and that it involves a “fatal ambiguity”. I show that these charges result from misinterpreting Plato’s text, and I offer an alternative interpretation of the relevant passages. In doing so, I hope to shed some light on the complexities involved in Plato’s unappreciated third proof. (shrink)

Plato argues, at Theaetetus 170e-171c, that Protagoras’ relativism is self-refuting. This argument, known as the ‘exquisite argument’, and its merits have been the subject of much controversy over the past few decades. Burnyeat (1976b) has argued in defense of Plato’s argument, but his reconstruction of the argument has been criticized as question-begging. After offering an interpretation of Protagoras’ relativism, I argue that the exquisite argument is successful, for reasons that Burnyeat hints at but fails to develop sufficiently. I consider Protagorean (...) relativism under both of the two possible readings with respect to its scope: global relativism, according to which all truths are only relatively true, and qualified relativism, according to which the relativistic thesis itself is excepted. Taking into consideration some contemporary work on relativism and self-refutation, I show that Plato’s argument succeeds on both of these readings. Given that Protagoras could avoid self-contradiction simply by denying that an enduring subject exists, I argue that the exquisite argument is best understood as confronting Protagoras with a dilemma between self-contradiction and self-defeat of various sorts, all of which lead to the same result, that Protagoras violates the requirements of rational discourse in such a way that he becomes an absurd figure who has nothing to say to us. (shrink)

A “no ethics” principle has long been prevalent in science and has demotivated deliberation on scientific ethics. This paper argues the following: An understanding of a scientific “ethos” based on actual “value preferences” and “value repugnances” prevalent in the scientific community permits and demands critical accounts of the “no ethics” principle in science. The roots of this principle may be traced to a repugnance of human dignity, which was instilled at a historical breaking point in the interrelation between science and (...) ethics. This breaking point involved granting science the exclusive mandate to pass judgment on the life worth living. By contrast, respect for human dignity, in its Kantian definition as “the absolute inner worth of being human,” should be adopted as the basis to ground science ethics. The pathway from this foundation to the articulation of an ethical duty specific to scientific practice, i.e., respect for objective truth, is charted by Karl Popper’s discussion of the ethical principles that form the basis of science. This also permits an integrated account of the “external” and “internal” ethical problems in science. Principles of the respect for human dignity and the respect for objective truth are also safeguards of epistemic integrity. Plain defiance of human dignity by genetic determinism has compromised integrity of claims to knowledge in behavioral genetics and other behavioral sciences. Disregard of the ethical principles that form the basis of science threatens epistemic integrity. (shrink)

Māturīdism is an Ottoman identity and this identity was not limited, as is commonly believed, to the last period of the Empire. It maintained its formal existence throughout the Ottoman history. Nevertheless, the context in which the Māturīdism was located or with which it was associated changed in the course of time. In the early period when the eclectic way of thinking was dominant, Māturīdism as a creed was apparent mainly in the jurists whose ascetic identity was prominent and partly (...) in the mystical currents that were essentially continuations of Yasawiyya. At this point, the Bukhara-centered Ḥanafī legal literature played a distinctive role. At the time of Meḥmed II and in the following period during which the philosophical kalām dominated the scene, the Māturīdism was relatively passive and was in search of a position against the Ash‘arism. The new Rāzian paradigm of thought that began to be felt strongly in the Ottoman lands with Meḥmed II as an attempt of integration into the global circulation of knowledge prevented to a certain extent the visibility of Māturīdism. However, even in this period, Māturīdism was remarkably reflected in the muqaddimāt-i arba‘a literature which was directly sponsored by Meḥmed II. The tradition of philosophical kalām in the Ottoman scholarship, just when it was about to yield significant results, was interrupted due to the struggle against the Ṣafawids. Transformation of this political tension, at the same time, into a fight against Shiism also brought about a constriction in the religious thought of the Ottomans. Shiism and its all other variants were bitterly attacked under the main heading of Rāfiḍa. Unfortunately such a refutational approach proved a boomerang and returned in time striking the Ottoman Ṣūfīs who stood near the line of the Ardabil Shrine before its Shiitization. Ḥanafī fatwā literature was used extensively in the refutation texts against Ṣafawids. This brought to the fore at first the Ḥanafite and then the Māturīdite identity. This paper attempts to analyze this changing emphasis on Māturīdism in the Ottoman period and the political and intellectual factors that supported and nourished it. -/- SUMMARY It can be argued that the debates around Ash‘arism and Māturīdism in the Ottoman period and the resulting meant more than attempts of the members of the two sides to understand each other and that Māturīdism, particularly from the 16th century onwards, was gradually brought fore as the identity of Ottomans. In fact, this identity was not limited, as is commonly believed, to the last period of the Empire; it maintained, in form, its existence throughout the Ottoman history. Nevertheless, the context in which the Māturīdism was located or with which it was associated changed in the course of time. In the early period when the eclectic way of thinking was dominant, Māturīdism as a creed was apparent mainly in the jurists whose ascetic identity was prominent and partly in the mystical currents that were essentially continuations of Yasawiyya. At this point, the Bukhara-centered Ḥanafī legal literature played a distinctive role. At the time of Meḥmed II and in the following period during which the philosophical kalām dominated the scene, the Māturīdism was relatively passive and was in search of a position against the Ash‘arism. In this period, Ottoman scholars still embraced the Māturīdī-Ḥanafī line in their theological views. Ḫiḍir Beg’s al-Qaṣīda al-Nūniyya, and al-Khayālī’s commentary upon it, and the commentary written by Aḥmad b. Oġuz Dānishmand al-Aḳshahrī on al-I‘timād of Abū al-Barakāt al-Nasafī were the most noticeable Māturīdite texts from that time. Besides, al-Khayālī’s supercommentary (ḥāshiya) upon the commentary of al-Taftāzānī written on al-‘Aqā’id of Najm al-Dīn ‘Umar al-Nasafī was also of central importance. However, the new Rāzian paradigm of thought that began to be felt strongly in the Ottoman lands with Meḥmed II as an attempt of integration into the global circulation of knowledge prevented to a certain extent the visibility of Māturīdism. But, this should not be taken to mean that Māturīdism lost its ground of existence. That the Ash‘arite works produced in this new paradigm were transferred to and fully integrated in the madrasa curriculum was not because they were Ash‘arite texts but because they were the most original and highest achievements of the philosophical theology. These texts that aimed at combining all fields of knowledge on a single platform, despite the Ash‘arism they included, constituted the peak of the Islamic thought of the time. In the preference of these texts, the fact that the Māturīdī tradition generally stood, in course of time, distant to the philosophy and chose to continue the kalām in the classical line also played a role. Māturīdī theologians Muḥammad b. Ashraf al-Samarqandī, partly, but Ṣadr al-Sharī‘a al-Maḥbūbī, to a greater extent, were notable exceptions to this general Māturīdī tendency. These figures were theologically Māturīdite, but their framework of producing discourse was the combination of philosophy and kalām as with their Ash‘arī counterparts. Therefore, Ṣadr al-Sharī‘a’s criticism of Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī, and through him, of against the Ash‘arism in the context of muqaddimāt arba‘a was wholeheartedly supported by the Ottoman ulama. Even it was Meḥmed II who sponsored the debates regarding muqaddimāt arba‘a. The works written by such scholars as Muṣliḥ al-Dīn al-Kastallī, al-Ṣamṣūnī, ‘Alā’ al-Dīn al-‘Arabī, Mollā ‘Arab al-Anṭākī, Khaṭībzāde, Sa‘dī Chalabī during his and his son Bāyazid II’s reigns were the supercommentaries written upon the related chapter of al-Talwīḥ, al-Taftāzānī’s commentary on Ṣadr al-Sharī‘a’s al-Tawḍīḥ where the former responded to the criticism of the latter from an Ash‘arī point of view. The Ottoman ulama, in their workswere forced to choose between the two scholars and they mostly supported Ṣadr al-Sharī‘a and Māturīdism. The tradition of philosophical kalām in the Ottoman scholarship, just when it was about to yield significant results, was interrupted due to the struggle against the Ṣafawids. Transformation of this political tension, at the same time, into a fight against Shiism also brought about a constriction in the religious thought of the Ottomans. The reflex of of identifying oneself through ‘the other’ made, to a certain extent, the theological and philosophical debates regarding faith meaningless, and gradually gave the Ottoman Sunnism a doctrinal and political tone. In such a context, the Ottomans’ paradigm of producing thought in line with the philosophical kalām began to lose its function, and, the focus of scholarhsip shifted; Shiism with its all variants were began to be bitterly attacked under the main heading of Rāfiḍa. When the refutation texts composed from the reign of Bāyazid II onward to criticize the Ṣafawids are chronologically analyzed, it is seen that the contents of the texts evolved from criticism of Rāfiḍa to criticism of Sūfism. Ḥanafī fatwā literature was used extensively in these refutations. So the fatwās issued against Rāfiḍa and Ṣūfīs in malāmatī line in earlier centuries in different contexts for different reasons were employed to criticize the new opponents. This caused two important results: First, such an approach proved a boomerang and returned in time striking the Ottoman Ṣūfīs who stood near the line of the Ardabil Shrine before its Shiitization. Ḫalwatīs, Bayrāmīs, Gulshanīs, Baktāshīs and Mawlawīs were the sufi groups influenced by this situation in varying degrees. Second, Sunnism was exposed to the narrowization and centered around the fiqh, particularly Ḥanafī fiqh, in the context of Ḳāḍīzādelīs who were the main adversaries of above mentioned groups. The culture of catechism (‘ilm-i ḥāl) that came to the fore through the efforts of Ḳāḍīzādelīs was a crystallization and was mainly fuelled from this tension. Such a crystallization led the Ṣūfīs, the opponents of Ḳāḍīzādelīs, to a higher level of discourse deemphasizing the Ḥanafī aspect: They underscored the discourse of Ahl al-Sunna and four madhhabs, and mostly turned towards the Shāfiʿī and Ash‘arī traditions to look for support fortheir views. This process during which the emphasis of sharī‘a and tradition began to come to the fore once again paved the way for the zuhd and fiqh-centered religious thought that was maintained from the time of the Seljukids in Anatolia and was influential until Meḥmed II’ reign. Therefore in the Ottomans, particularly starting with the reign of Suleymān I, an intensive emphasis on Abū Ḥanīfa was witnessed. Abū Ḥanīfa was at the very center of the debates revolving around zuhd and fiqh which came about in the same period and in which the sharī‘a sensitivity was a determining factor. Al-Māturīdī, whose name was overshadowed for a long time by the name of Abū Ḥanīfa, but who became prominent in the tradition with Abū al-Mu‘īn al-Nasafī, had to transfer his gains for a period of time to Abū Ḥanīfa. Emphasis on Abū Ḥanīfa looks like a rope that when pulled, all the tradition comes with it. When the topics began to be discussed in a manner that would also include the theological context, the contribution of the works ascribed to Abū Ḥanīfa, namely al-Fiqh al-Akbar, al-Waṣiyya and al-‘Ālim wa al-Muta‘allim to the discussions would be limited. For this reason, the need to refer to al-Māturīdī or to the theological formation bearing his name was inevitable. So, the literature on the points of disagreements between the Ash‘arism and the Māturīdism developed both vertically and horizontally in the 18th century and, corollary to that, the debates of free will as a corolloary to that, once again brought Māturīdism to the fore. (shrink)

Plato’s account of pleasure in Republic IX has been treated as an ill-conceived and deeply flawed account that Plato thankfully retracted and replaced in the Philebus. I am convinced, however, that this received view of the Republic’s account is false. In this paper, I will not concern myself with whether, or in what way, Plato’s account of pleasure in the Republic falls short of what we find in the Philebus, but will rather focus on the merits of the former. My (...) concern will be further narrowed down to the first half of the third proof: the proof involves two criteria for the evaluation of pleasures, the criteria of purity and of truth, both of which yield the result that the philosopher’s pleasures are the most pleasant (because it turns out that only those pleasures are pure and only they are true). I will be addressing the criterion of purity, which is based on a psychological/phenomenological account of pleasure and pain. This account has been harshly criticized as full of ambiguity and confusion, as I explain in detail below. I believe, however, that these criticisms result from misunderstanding, and failing to appreciate the complexity of, Plato’s account. In this paper, I will offer an interpretation of Plato’s psychological account of pleasure and pain in Republic IX, showing that this account is, contrary to its detractors, both interesting and persuasive on many points. (shrink)

This paper argues that Kant’s distinction between “civil union” and “ethical community” can be of great value in dealing with a problem that causes considerable trouble in contemporary political and social philosophy, namely the question of the normative significance and role of religion in political and social life. The first part dwells upon the third part of Kant`s Religion within the Boundaries of Mere Reason with the intention of exposing the general features of ethical community. It highlights the fact that (...) Kant considers publicity, and indeed public authority, to be constitutive of the ethical community. The second part discusses his argument that we have a unique ethical duty to enter into an ethical community. This discussion clarifies the constitutive purpose of ethical community and sets forth why Kant thought that the ethical community should have a religious form. The third part presents an account of the constitutive purpose of the state in light of the Doctrine of Right. Throughout these steps, as is concluded, the essentials of a model for the relations between law, ethics, and religion emerge, which shows the way in which both religious and secularist worries can be met on a principled basis. (shrink)

Tarihin nesnel olarak yazılamayacağının fark edilmesinin ardından bilim tarihi yazımında da bazı dönüşümler olmuştur. Bu değişiklikler genellikle olumlu olsa da bazı tarih yazımı tartışmaları bilim tarihi metinlerine yeterince yansımamıştır. Bu yazıda Rosalind Franklin örneği üzerinden kadın bilimcilerin bilim tarihinde nasıl ele alındığını tartıştım. Kadınlara bilim tarihinde hak ettikleri yeri verme çabamız sırasında bilim tarihçileri olarak nelere dikkat etmemiz gerektiğini ele aldım. Özellikle vurguladığım noktalar bilimsel araştırma biçimlerinin doğru yansıtılması, kurumsal ayrımcılıkların üstünün örtülmesinden kaçınılması ve ele alınan figürün bilime katkısının açıkça (...) yazılması oldu. Yazıda Franklin hakkındaki literatüre bir katkı sunmayı amaçladım ancak daha da önemlisi Franklin başta olmak üzere kadın bilimciler hakkındaki metinlerde sık yapılan hatalara işaret etmek istedim. -/- Following the realization that history cannot be written objectively, there have been some transformations in the historiography of science. Although these changes are generally positive, some historiography debates have not been adequately reflected in historical texts on science. In this article, I discussed how women scientists are represented in the history of science through the case of Rosalind Franklin. In our effort to give women the place they deserve in the history of science, I have discussed what should we pay attention to as historians of science. My particular emphasis was on reflecting the structure of scientific research correctly, avoiding covering institutional discrimination and clearly writing the contribution of the figure discussed to science. I intend to make a contribution to the literature on Franklin, but more importantly, I tried to point out some common mistakes in texts about women scientists, especially Franklin. (shrink)

In this paper I aim to show that the restoration model of pleasure as we find it in Plato’s Gorgias, Republic, Timaeus, and Philebus contain a common psychological core, despite the substantial developments and greater sophistication in the later works. I argue that, contrary to the scholarly consensus, all four dialogues take the necessary condition for pain to be a state of imbalance or disharmony rather than a process of destruction or deterioration. Given that the necessary condition for pleasure is (...) a process of restoration, it follows that the restoration model offers a strikingly asymmetrical account of pleasure and pain. This unorthodox interpretation of pain is not only favoured by the textual evidence but is also more charitable, as it attributes to Plato a more plausible view of impure pleasures, a more realistic account of desire, and a more compelling argument for the greater pleasantness of the philosophical life. (shrink)

This paper examines Felix Kaufmann’s ideas on the methodology of social sciences through the example of the Marshall Society at Cambridge University and on how these ideas spread. The scope of the study includes his correspondence with the Marshall Society and his unpublished text prepared for a lecture held in 1936. Connections are established between the main theme of Kaufmann’s Methodenlehre der Sozialwissenschaften (1936) and the unpublished text of his lecture, where he highlighted the problems that the naturalism‑antinaturalism dichotomy posed (...) for the methodology of the social sciences and the promising advances in the exact sciences to overcome these problems. Kaufmann avoided adopting a totally rejectionist and adaptive attitude, emphasized that natural and social sciences may have common and different methods, and argued that some methodological conflicts could be reconciled. Kaufmann’s unpublished text serves as an English précis of his 1936 book and facilitates the dissemination of his ideas through the Marshall Society. (shrink)

In recent years there has been a surge of interest among Plato scholars in the tripartition of the soul in the Republic. Particular attention has been devoted to the nature of the soul-parts, and whether or not each part is agent-like. A key element in this debate has been the question whether or not the non-rational parts have access to significant cognitive and conceptual resources. That this is the case, and that appetite cannot be entirely unreasoning, is the widely accepted (...) view, shared by Annas, Bobonich, Cooper, and Irwin among others. A number of scholars – most notably Lorenz and Stalley – have recently criticized this reading of Plato’s tripartition, and argued that the text does not in fact support such a reading. I believe that the weight of evidence remains in favour of the mainstream view, despite the interesting objections raised by the critics. I argue that these critics fail to appreciate the variety of ways in which the non-rational parts employ cognitive and conceptual resources. I also explain that their alternative interpretations of the relevant passages are unconvincing. (shrink)

Tanzimat’la başlayan eğitim felsefesi ve politikamız, Batı eksenli bir seyir içerisine girmiştir. Cumhuriyet’e kadar yürütülen iyileştirme ve ıslah çalışmaları ise kayda değer bir gelişme gösterememiştir. Osmanlı dönemindeki birtakım önemli girişimler ve düzenlemeler, Cumhuriyet dönemini hazırlamıştır. Islahat, Meşrutiyet ve Cumhuriyet dönemleri, Batılı paradigmaların çevresinde eğitimi konumlama ve kodlama çalışmalarıyla sürmüşse de bu eğitim paradigmasının manevî ve yerli/millî değerlerden kopuk, pozitivist eksenli olması eğitimde beklenen olumlu neticeyi vermemiştir. Bir ülkenin eğitim politikası, o ülkenin önem verdiği ve eğitim sistemine de yansımış olan değerlerle (...) başlar. Bu değerler eğitimin çerçevesini, amaçlarını ve yönünü belirler. Bir ülkenin eğitim politikası, o ülkenin önemsediği ve eğitimine de yansımış manevî, milli/yerli değerlerle başlar. Bu değerler, eğitim politikasının genel hatlarını, hedeflerini ve gidiş yönünü belirler. Manevî ve milli bir “Eğitim Felsefesinin” ve “Eğitim Politikasının” nasıl olması gerektiği konusunda yapılan akademik çalışmaların sayısı son yıllarda giderek artmaktadır. Bu çalışmalardan biri de Prof. Dr. Bayram Ali Çetinkaya’nın kaleme almış olduğu “Eğitim Politikamız ve Felsefemiz” başlıklı çalışmasıdır. (shrink)

Bilim tarihi çalışmaları belirli bir bilim imgesi ışığında yapılır ve söz konusu imgeyi yeniden üretir. Bu nedenle bilim tarihi ve bilim felsefesi bir bütün olarak ele alınmalıdır. Ancak var olan bilim tarihi yazımı geleneği kimi zaman bilim felsefesi alanında bazı önemli değişimleri yansıtmayı güçleştirmektedir. Bu yazıda Mary Anning örneği üzerinden gözlemin kuram yüklü olduğu görüşünün bilim tarihi yazımını nasıl yönlendirmesi gerektiğini tartıştım. -/- Research in history of science is conducted in light of some image of science and in the end (...) it reproduces that image. Hence history of science and philosophy of science should be considered as a whole. Yet the existing tradition in historiography of science sometimes obstructs reflecting some important changes in philosophy of science. In this article I discussed how the view that observation is theory laden, should influence historiography of science by means of the case of Mary Anning. (shrink)

Prof. Dr. Mustafa Demirci's monograph "Black Rage: The Rebellion of Negro Slaves in the Medieval Islamic World (869-883)" on the 'Zanj rebellion' that took place between 869-883 A.D., during the Abbasid period, and was led by the Ali b. Muhammad, is one of the most important studies both in terms of its subject matter and the author's approach and perspective on the subject. The study, which was prepared with a rich academic literature using basic sources and modern research on the (...) subject, deals with issues such as the geography of the event, the causes and spread of the rebellion, the wars and warfare techniques to suppress the rebellion, the short and long-term effects of the damage left behind by the rebellion from an academic perspective in chronological order. The Zanj revolt started in the marshes of Basra in 869 as a result of Ali b. Muhammad (d. 883), who was originally white and claimed to be a descendant of Ali, organizing black slaves working under difficult conditions in the large farms in and around Basra, and the rebellion grew and spread in a short time. Muwaffak Billāh (843-891), the brother of the Abbasid Caliph Mu’temid Alallâh (843-892), who was assigned to suppress the revolt, was victorious against the rebels after tough struggles, and the revolt ended with the killing of the leader of the rebellion, Ali b. Muhammad, in 883. (shrink)

Michael Wendeler’s disputation on the Turkish republic is a discussion of Ottoman history, political philosophy, and the concept of monarchy and tyranny. Half of his disputation concerns the identification of the Turks with the little horn which arises on the head of the fourth beast in the prophet’s vision described in the Book of Daniel 7:1–28. Giving copious historical references, Wendeler explains that this little horn cannot be referring to Christ as the Jews believe, nor to the Seleucid monarch Antiochos (...) Epiphanes as the Calvinists believe. Nor can it be identifed with the Antichrist as the Catholics believe. Wendeler puts forth a detailed argument that the little horn on the fourth beast in the prophecy of Daniel can only be identified with the Turkish monarch (Ottoman Sultan). In conclusion, Wendeler draws a parallel between the monstrous ‘little horn’—the tyrannical Turkish monarchy—and the tyranny of the Catholic Church, exemplified by the untrustworthy Pope and the satanic writings of the Catholic Machiavelli. (shrink)

At the heart of Plato’s theory of erōs is the ‘ascent’ of love for an individual body, through several stages, to love of Beauty itself (Symposium 210a-212b). I argue that our understanding of the psychology of this transformation would benefit especially from bringing in Plato’s views on pain from the Republic. For erōs is presented in the Symposium as including sexual desire (207b) as well as love of wisdom (210d), but the Republic takes the former to be a painful desire, (...) whereas the latter is apparently treated as painless. The ‘ascent’ of love, then, seems to involve the transformation of a painful desire into a painless one. I conclude that this transformation is best understood as a rechanneling of desire within the tripartite soul. (shrink)

German Lutheran scholar Johann Friedrich Weitenkampf (d.1758) sets out to explain and refute the Turkish concept of fate, dividing his dissertation into two sections: the first outlining the Turkish-Muslim view of fate; and the second seeking to prove the invalidity of the Muslim concept of fate with philosophical argumentation. He begins with some brief notes on the historical origin of the Turks, turning then to the backstory of the Qur’an, which he claims can be divided into six sections or topics, (...) the last of which concerns its teachings on fate. According to Weitenkampf, in mainstream Islamic thought, fate is predetermined and immutable. Weitenkampf categorizes most Turks as Jabrites who believe that God is the source of all evil and that men do not have free will. Therefore, men are compelled to do evil or good through God’s omnipotence. He offers examples of how this belief is manifested in the actions and values of the Turks. According to Weitenkampf, since Turks believe in predestination, they do not flee plague-ridden cities or shun contact with those infected. They do not fear death. If they suffer, they believe fate decreed it. In battle, this makes them brave to the point of foolhardy. Weitenkampf also paraphrases an exhortation from the Qur’an in which Muslims are told not to avoid danger, as God has already determined their fate. . . . Weitenkampf’s dissertatio is a symptom of the struggle between the weakened Lutheran orthodoxy and the rise of Pietism and rationalism in the wake of the Enlightenment in the eighteenth century. Unlike other Lutheran authors, he analyzes Islamic thought through systematic philosophical argumentation, deeply influenced by his logic and metaphysics teacher Knutzen, who tried to combine Wolffan Enlightenment rationalism with pietistic spirituality. (shrink)

Avrupa kıtasının en kuzeyinde, Laponya olarak adlandırılan bölgede yaşayan Samiler, dil yönünden Ural-Altay dil grubunun Ural kolunda sınıflandırılmaktadır. Çok eski dönemlerde Laponya bölgesine çeşitli sebeplerle göç ettikleri öne sürülen Samiler, Ren geyiği yetiştiriciliği, balıkçılık gibi konularda oldukça yetenekli olarak nitelendirilmektelerdir. Doğaya derinden bağlı olan geleneksel yaşam tarzları, aşırı iklimlerde hayatta kalmaları için gerekli olan ren geyiklerinin göç düzenlerini takip etmeyi içerir. Tarih boyunca avcılık, balıkçılık ve ticaretle uğraşan Samiler, bulundukları coğrafyaya mesafe açısından oldukça uzak olan İstanbul’a kadar kürk ve fildişi (...) gibi lüks mallar göndermişlerdir. Samilerle ilgili tarihi kayıtlar Romalı tarihçi Cornelius Tacitus'a kadar uzanır ve Tacitus MS 98 yılında yazdığı Germania adlı eserinde onlardan "Fenni" olarak bahsetmektedir. Samiler üzerine yapılan arkeolojik ve antropolojik araştırmalar, onların Orta Asya veya Hint kökenli olabileceklerine dair veriler sunmaktadır. İskandinav asıllı bazı araştırmacılar, yalnızca Ren geyiği yetiştiriciliğinden yola çıkarak kendilerine Asya kıtasından bir köken bulma arayışına girmişlerdir. Mari, Mordvin ve Udmurt gibi toplulukları “Fin-Ugor Türkleri” olarak nitelendiren bazı araştırmacılar, Sami topluluğunun da Altay halklarıyla, özellikle de Türklerle kültürel bağlarını vurgulanmaktadır. Dil sınıflandırmasının yanı sıra kültürel benzerlikler, bir topluluğun kimliğini ortaya çıkarmada önemli bulgular sağlamaktadır. Yaşadıkları coğrafya sebebiyle birden fazla devletin etki alanında kalan bölge çeşitli baskılara maruz kalmıştır. Yoğun misyoner faaliyetleri ve kolonizasyon süreçlerinin sonucunda Samilerin bir kısmı Hıristiyanlığa geçerken bir kısmı da Seiǒr olarak adlandırılan geleneksel inanışlarını sürdürmüştür. Sami kültürü, yoik gibi eşsiz ses teknikleri de dahil olmak üzere geleneksel uygulamalar açısından zengindir; bu, son derece ruhani olan ve genellikle şamanist ritüellerle ilişkilendirilen bir şarkı söyleme biçimidir. Sami şamanı, ruhani yaşamlarında merkezi bir rol oynar ve ritüeller sırasında trans hallerine girmek ve ruhani dünya ile iletişim kurmak için Runik Timpanum olarak bilinen özel bir davul kullanır. Hıristiyan misyonerlerin 17. yüzyılda Sami inançlarını ortadan kaldırma çabalarına rağmen, geleneksel dinlerinin unsurları zaman içinde Hıristiyan uygulamalarıyla harmanlanarak varlığını sürdürmüştür. Geleneksel inanışlarında görülen birçok özelliğin komşu ve akraba Ural topluluklarıyla köken birliği iddiasında bulunulan Altay topluluklarında da görüldüğü ifade edilmiştir. Samilerin geleneksel inanışlarında kendilerine has isimlendirmeler kullandıkları kaydedilmiştir. Hıristiyanlığa geçen grup ise doğrudan bir mezhebin inanışını almak yerine geleneksel inanışlarıyla Hıristiyanlığı birleştirerek Laestadianizm adı verilen yeni bir cemaat kurmuşlardır. Bu çalışmada Avrupa kıtasının yerli halkı olarak kabul edilen tek topluluk olan Samilerin tarihi ve kültürel yapısı, dinler tarihinin temel metotlarından olan tarihi-karşılaştırma ve fenomenoloji yöntemleriyle incelenmiştir. (shrink)

This dissertation is an analysis of the development of dialectic and argumentation theory in post-classical Islamic intellectual history. The central concerns of the thesis are; treatises on the theoretical understanding of the concept of dialectic and argumentation theory, and how, in practice, the concept of dialectic, as expressed in the Greek classical tradition, was received and used by five communities in the Islamic intellectual camp. It shows how dialectic as an argumentative discourse diffused into five communities (theologicians, poets, grammarians, philosophers (...) and jurists) and how these local dialectics that the individual communities developed fused into a single system to form a general argumentation theory (adab al-bahth) applicable to all fields. I evaluate a treatise by Shams al-Din Samarqandi (d.702/1302), the founder of this general theory, and the treatises that were written after him as a result of his work. I concentrate specifically on work by Adud al-Din al-Iji (d.756/1355), Sayyid Sharif al-Jurjani (d.816/1413), Taşköprüzâde (d.968/1561), Saçaklızâde (d.1150/1737) and Gelenbevî (d.1205/1791) and analyze how each writer (from Samarqandi to Gelenbevî) altered the shape of argumentative discourse and how later intellectuals in the post-classical Islamic world responded to that discourse bequeathed by their predecessors. What is striking about the period that this dissertation investigates (from 1300-1800) is the persistence of what could be called the linguistic turn in argumentation theory. After a centuries-long run, the jadal-based dialectic of the classical period was displaced by a new argumentation theory, which was dominantly linguistic in character. This linguistic turn in argumentation dates from the final quarter of the fourteenth century in Iji's impressively prescient work on 'ilm al-wad'. This idea, which finally surfaced in the post-classical period, that argumentation is about definition and that, therefore, defining is the business of language—even perhaps, that language is the only available medium for understanding and being understood—affected the way that argumentation theory was processed throughout most of the period in question. The argumentative discourse that started with Ibn al-Rawandi in the third/ninth century left a permanent imprint on Islamic intellectual history, which was then full of concepts, terminology and objectives from this discourse up until the late nineteenth century. From this perspective, Islamic intellectual history can be read as the tension between two languages: the "language of dialectic" (jadal) and the "language of demonstration" (burhan), each of which refer not only to a significant feature of that history, but also to a feature that could dramatically alter the interpretation of that history. (shrink)

Arap şiirinde özhiciv kültürünü yansıtan örneklerin analiz edildiği bu çalışmada, klasik Arap şiirinde özhiciv olgusu şiirin aykırı bir teması perspektifinden incelenmiştir. Câhiliye sonrası Arap toplumunda devletleşmeyle birlikte kabile birliğine dayalı sistemin nispeten yerini bireyselliğe bırakması ve bireyin kabile taassubundan bağımsızlaşması, hiciv anlayışında bazı dönüşümleri beraberinde getirmiştir. Böylece korkutmak, azarlamak ve itibarsızlaştırmak gibi hicivde aranan ve onu etkili kılan pek çok özellik işlevini yitirerek yerini eğlendirme ve güldürmeye bırakmıştır. Bu çerçevede özhiciv gibi ilginç bir tür ortaya çıkmış ve bu türde nitelikli (...) örnekler sergilenmiştir. Arap edebiyatının farklı dönemlerinde kendini hicvetmeye dair örneklerin izini süren bu çalışmada, ilgili malzemenin analizi yoluyla bu olgunun öncüleri, arka planındaki etkenler ve kullanıldığı bağlamlar tespit edilip ortaya konulması amaçlanmıştır. Arap dili ve belagati sahasında hiciv konusunu işleyen çeşitli düzeylerde akademik çalışmalar mevcuttur. Ancak tespit edebildiğimiz kadarıyla ülkemizde klasik Arap edebiyatında kendini hicveden şairleri doğrudan konu edinen herhangi bir çalışmaya rastlanmamıştır. Böylesine özgün bir tema üzerinde, Arap edebiyatının farklı dönemlerini kapsayacak şekilde derinlemesine ve ayrıntılı müstakil çalışmaların eksikliği, bu konunun ele alınmasını zorunlu kılan ana etkenlerden birisi olmuştur. Müstesna bir tema hüviyetini arz eden özhicve dair verilerin klasik edebî kaynaklarda dağınık olarak yer alması ya da yeterince ele alınmamış olması, bu olgunun Arap şiirinin kültürel sistemine aykırılığıyla birlikte, üzerinde düşünülmesi gereken önemli konular arasındadır. Bu çerçevede önce özhiciv ve ilintili kavramlar üzerinde durularak aralarındaki fark ortaya konulmaya çalışılmış, ardından özhicvin tarihçesi ve klasik Arap şiirindeki yeri ele alınmıştır. Son olarak doğrudan ve dolaylı olarak kendini hicvederek nadide örnekler sergileyen ve özhiciv geleneğinin gelişmesinde rol oynayan bazı şairler üzerinde durulmuştur. (shrink)

The primary aim of this study is to clarify the authorship trends, collaboration patterns, and impact factors in business ethics literature by looking at articles published between 1960 and 2015 in four leading business ethics journals: Business and Society, Business Ethics: A European Review, Business Ethics Quarterly, and the Journal of Business Ethics. This study showed the growth type of business ethics literature, authorship trends, collaboration patterns, authors' productivity evolved by subperiods and journals, and authors' dominance factor by subperiods and (...) journals. After providing an evaluation of the results of the study, the authors discuss the study's limitations and suggestions for future research. (shrink)

Sosyal bilimler disiplininde erkeklik, multidisipliner bir alana işaret etmektedir. Erkekliğin hem bilim alanında hem de gündelik yaşamda nelere tekabül ettiğini anlamak için cinsiyete dair fikirlerin pratik zeminlerine bakılmalıdır. Toplumsal cinsiyet çalışmalarında, çoğunlukla kadınların sosyal ezilmişliklerine vurgular yapılmaktadır. Erkeklik çalışmaları tarihsel, kültürel ve toplumsal bir kurgu olarak, eril iktidarın kaynaklarına ışık tutmayı amaçlayan bir çalışma alanıdır. Erkekliğin kültürden ve dinden bağımsız bir olgu olarak düşünülmesi mümkün gözükmemektedir. Kadınlığa dair araştırmaların gelişimi içinde erkeklerin varlığı ihmal edilmektedir. Kadınların ezilmişliği nasıl yaşadığını anlamanın bir (...) yolu olarak bu çalışma, erkeklerin eril iktidar konumlarını nasıl sürdürdüklerini ve tahakkümlerini nasıl inşa ettiklerini anlama çabasıdır. Kadınlar, erkekliğin inşa sürecinde anne, cinsel partner, kız arkadaş, iş yeri arkadaşı vb. olarak merkezi bir öneme sahiptir. Sadece ataerkilliğin kurbanı olarak değil, ataerkil düzenin inşasında önemli bir kurucu olarak kadınların cinsiyetle ilişkili dinsel pratiklerine bakılması, erkekliğin sosyal kurgusunun nasıl oluştuğunun anlaşılmasına katkılar sunmaktadır. İslam dini özelinde toplumsal cinsiyet normlarının ve egemen erkeklik düşüncesinin dinsel zeminleri, kadınların erkeklik algıları ekseninde irdelenmektedir. Erkekliğin İslam dinindeki tasniflerinin, kadınlar tarafından nasıl anlaşıldığı, kadınların sosyal yaşamlarında nasıl karşılık bulduğunu, kadınların ezilmişlik ve dışlanmışlıklarında erkeklik-din ilişkisinin nasıl bir rol oynadığını sorgulayan bu araştırma, sahada toplanan veriler ışığında bazı sonuçlar çıkarmaktadır. Sahada yapılan görüşmeler neticesinde, kadın öğreticilerin erkeklere dönük feminist bir yaklaşıma sahip olmadıkları söylenebilir. Erkekler hakkında konuşurken, erkekleri tanımlarken ya da erkeklerin kadınları dışladığı tutum ve davranışlar tartışılırken dahi, feminist ideolojinin tanımlamalarına yer verilmediği görülmektedir. Elde edilen diğer bir sonuç, katılımcıların kıt akıllı, uğursuz ve şer sembolü biçimindeki eril tanımlamaların kadınları belli kalıplara sıkıştırılarak dizayn edilmeye çalışıldıklarının farkında olmalarıdır. Bu açılardan araştırmanın literatüre katkı sunacağı düşünülmektedir. (shrink)

Bu çalışmanın amacı İbn Kesîr’in (öl. 774/1373) el-Bidâye ve’n-nihâye isimli tarih çalışmasının siyer bölümünde Sahîhayn hadislerini muhteva açısından tenkidinin araştırılması ve tahlilidir. Çalışmamızın konusu ise İbn Kesîr’in mezkûr eserinde yirmi Sahihayn hadisini Kur’ân-ı Kerîm (3 hadis), akıl (1 hadis), icmâ (1 hadis), sahih hadisler (7 hadis) ve sağlam târihî bilgilere (8 hadis) uygunluk/aykırılık kıstaslarını kullanarak tenkidi ve on dört hadiste izah getiremediği yanlışların birer hata olduğunu kaydetmesidir. İbn Kesîr’in incelenen hadislerin muhteva tenkidine müsait bir hâle gelmesine yol açan râvi tasarruflarına (...) dair verdiği bilgiler ayrıca kıymetlidir. Bu çalışmanın kapsamını oluşturan hadislerden yedi tanesi hem Sahîh-i Buhârî hem Sahîh-i Müslim, altı tanesi sadece Sahîh-i Buhârî, yedi tanesi de sadece Sahîh-i Müslim’de yer almaktadır. Hem Sahîh-i Buhârî hem Sahîh-i Müslim’de yer alan hadisler Hayber’de müt‘a nikahının yasaklanışı, Rasulullah’ın (s.a.v.) umre ve hacca niyeti, Hz. Peygamber’in gümüş yüzüğü atması, kıblenin değişimi haberinin Kubâ’ya ertesi sabah ulaşması, namazda konuşma yasağının zamanı, ye’cûc ve me’cûc’un seddinin delinmesi ve Hz. Peygamber’in (s.a.v.) miras bırakmaması konulu hadislerdir. Sadece Sahîh-i Buhârî’de geçen hadisler isranın vahiy gelmesinden önce vukuu, Hamrâülesed seferine katılanların sayısı, Sa‘d b. Ebî Vakkas’ın İslam’a girişi, Hz. Ali’nin Hz. Ebû Bekir’e biatı, Recî‘ vak‘asıyla ilgili bazı bilgiler ve mirac hadisinde Beyt-i Makdis’e yolculuğun zikredilmemesi konulu hadislerdir. Son olarak, sadece Sahîh-i Müslim’de yer alan hadisler ise Huneyn savaşında müslümanların sayısı ve Taif kuşatmasının müddeti, yeryüzünün yedi günde yaratılışı, Amr b. Abese’nin İslam’a girişi, Bedir için Sa‘d b. Ubâde ile istişâre, sahâbînin sıcak kumlardan şikâyeti, Ümmü Habîbe ile evlilik ve kurban bayramında öğle namazının yeri konulu hadislerdir. Araştırmamızın yöntemi kaynak taraması ve sonuçların diğer şarihlerinkiyle mukayeseli tahlilidir. Araştırmamızın sonucunda eleştirilen hadislerin büyük bir kısmında İbn Kesîr’in değerlendirmelerinin İbn Hacer ve Nevevî gibi muhaddislerinkinden farklı olduğu görülmüştür. Çalışmamızın önemi İbn Kesîr’in tenkitlerinin muhaddislerin senedin sıhhatinin metnin sıhhatini temin etmeyeceğine dair tespitlerinin uygulamadaki somut delillerini oluşturmasıdır. Kısaca İbn Kesîr’in, eserine güçlü tenkit zihniyetini, özgün görüşlerini ve geniş ilmî birikimini başarıyla yansıttığı görülmektedir. (shrink)

Arap dili gramerinde istişhâd ameliyesinde diğer naklî deliller kadar olmasa da hadise de yer verilmiştir. Nahivde hadisle istişhâd denilince kimi çevrelerce sadece Hz. Peygamber’in sözleri anlaşılır olmuştur. Oysaki hadis kavramı bundan daha geniş bir içeriğe sahip olup sahâbî ve tâbiî sözlerini de kapsamaktadır. Yine nahiv literatüründe istişhâda dair ortaya konmuş görüşler gözden geçirildiğinde sadece Hz. Peygamber’in sözleri değil az da olsa sahâbenin hatta tâbiînden bazılarının kavillerinin dahi referans alındığı görülmektedir. Bu olgudan hareketle sahâbe ve tâbiîn kavillerinin hadisler içindeki yeri, kavliyle (...) istişhâdda bulunulan sahâbe ve tâbiînin kimler olduğu ve istişhâda etkilerinin niceliksel ve niteliksel durumu gibi hipotezler gündeme gelmektedir. Diğer yandan bir kısmı hâlis Arap olan sahâbe ve tâbiînin sözlerinin “Arap kavli” içinde değerlendirilip değerlendirilmeyeceği konusu da akla gelen bir diğer güçlü soru işaretidir. İşte bu varsayımlardan hareketle şu amaçlar gözetilerek bu araştırmada bir neticeye varılabileceği kanaati hâsıl olmuştur: 1- Sahâbî ve tâbiîn sözlerinin Arap kavliyle ilişkisi 2- Hadisin kavramsal boyuttaki mahiyeti ve sınırlılıkları 3- Hadisle istişhâd çerçevesindeki teorik tartışmalar bir yana literatürde sahâbî ve tâbiî kavliyle istişhâd özelinde pratiğin tespit edilmesi. 4- Elde edilen verilere bağlı olarak literatürde teoriyle pratiğin bağdaşıklık durumunun saptanması. Buna göre araştırmada öncelikle hem erken dönemde hem geç dönemde istişhâd bağlamında eserlerinde sahâbî kavline ve varsa tâbiî kavline yer veren nahiv bilginleri tespit edilmiş, bunlardan öne çıkanlarının her biri için alt başlıklar açılmıştır. Bu başlıklar altında öncelikle ilgili bilginin hadisle istişhâd noktasındaki genel tutumuna kısaca değinilmiş, daha sonra hem sahâbî kavliyle istişhâdına dair dikkat çekici bir örneğe yer verilmeye çalışılmış hem de sahâbî kavliyle istişhâd tavırlarının niteliksel ve niceliksel yönlerine dikkat çekilmeye çalışılmıştır. Araştırmada ulaşılan sonuç erken dönemde Sîbeveyhi (öl. 180/796), Yahyâ b. Ziyâd el-Ferrâ (öl. 207/822), Ahfeş el-Evsat (öl. 215/830 [?]) ve Müberred (öl. 286/900) gibi nahiv âlimlerinin fesahatleriyle ün yapmış olan Hz. Ömer (öl. 23/644) ve Hz. Ali (öl. 40/661) gibi sahâbenin öncü isimlerinin kavillerini az da olsa hüccet edindiği, geç dönemde ise ilk kez Zemahşerî’nin (öl. 538/1144) bu iki sahâbînin dışında farklı kavillerle istişhâd etmesi sonrasında zamanla Abdurrahman b. Abdullah Süheylî (öl. 581/1185), İbn Mâlik et-Tâî (ö. 672/1274), Radî el-Esterâbâdî (öl. 688/1289’dan sonra), Ebû Hayyân el-Endelüsî (öl. 745/1344) ve İbn Hişâm en-Nahvî (öl. 761/1360) başta olmak üzere sonraki dönemin meşhur bilginleri sayesinde daha fazla sahâbî ve tâbiî kavlinin nahiv literatürüne girdiği şeklindedir. Son tahlilde pratikte hadisle istişhâd adı altında başta Hz. Peygamber’in (s.a.s.) bizzat kendi sözlerinin yanı sıra bir miktar sahâbe ve tâbiîn kavlinin de yer aldığı ve bu kavillerin Arap kavli içerisinde yeri olmakla birlikte hadis kategorisine daha yakın olduğu çıkarımına ulaşılmıştır. Yine geç dönemde Zemahşerî, İbn Hazm (öl. 456/1064), Süheylî ve İbn Harûf el-İşbîlî (öl. 609/1212) gibi bilginlerin başta Hz. Peygamber’in (s.a.s.) sözleriyle olmak üzere sahâbe ve tâbiînin kavilleriyle, bir diğer ifadeyle çok hadisle istişhâdın öncül karakterleri olduğu, dolayısıyla çok hadisle istişhâda sadece İbn Mâlik ekseninde bakılamayacağı, sosyolojik denklemler ekseninde dönemsel bir olgu olarak bakılması gereği gibi hususlar diğer çözüm önerileri olarak gündeme getirilmiştir. (shrink)

The majority of The Legend of the Middle Ages: Philosophical Explorations of Medieval Christianity, Judaism, and Islam has been published previously in different forms, but this edition has been completely revised by the author, the well-known French medievalist and intellectual historian Rémi Brague. It was first published in French under the title Au moyen du Moyen Âge in 2006. The book consists of sixteen essays ranging from Brague’s early years at the Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris I) in the 1990s up until (...) 2005. As a collection of articles, therefore, The Legend of the Middle Ages is not designed to be a monograph; one should not expect a single argument from the book, although it does explore key intersections of medieval religion and philosophy that I will touch upon later. (shrink)

Plato argues in Republic IX that people are often mistaken about their own pleasures and pains. One of the mistakes he focuses on isjudging that an experience of ours is pleasant when, in fact, it is not. The view that such a mistake is possible is an unpopular one, andscholars have generally been dismissive of Plato’s position. Thus Urmson argues not only that this position is deeply flawed, but alsothat it results from a confusion on Plato’s part. In this paper, (...) I show that Urmson’s criticism is misguided. I then defend Plato against theidea that it is impossible for someone to make the mistake in question. In doing so, I bring out details in Plato’s text and show that his account of the phenomenology involved in making this mistake is far more sophisticated than has so far been recognized. (shrink)

This study focuses on al-Taftāzānī’s discussion of the ontological status of divine attributes in his _Sharḥ al-ʿAqāid_ and aims to demonstrate that al-Rāzī’s (d. 606/1210) reluctantly and ambiguously proposed formula that divine attributes are possible by themselves and necessary by God, which itself is an adaptation of Avicennian formula about the ontological status of the divine intellects, received much more recognition after a more sophisticated and advanced version of it was introduced to Sunnī _kalām_ tradition by al-Taftāzānī (d. 792/1390). His (...) improvements generated a considerable amount of intellectual interest within the subsequent commentary and super-commentary tradition and were then refined by the later commentators, a crucial development which has been almost entirely neglected in the modern scholarship. This study further argues that the orientation of post-classical _kalām_ extends to the point where it embraces a specific formula promoted by the _Falāsifa_ to refine Sunnī theory about the ontological status of the divine attributes. Consequently, Sunnī theology deliberately adapted a previously rejected theory to one of its most exclusive and core subjects, that is the discussion of the divine attributes. This study will also show that dramatic transformations in the approach and the structure indicate that Sunnī _kalām_, especially in _Sharḥ al-ʿAqāid_ commentaries and super-commentaries, was significantly influenced by philosophical theories and was required to adopt both the vocabulary and the framework fashioned in philosophical debates on a greater scale after its first transformation due to al-Rāzī’s influence. Because of the voluminous commentaries and super-commentaries on _Sharḥ al-ʿAqāid_ and their extended coverage of a variety of subjects, the current study limits itself to al-Taftāzānī’s _Sharḥ al-ʿAqāid_ and its super-commentaries by Musa Khayālī (d. 862/1457) and Ramazan Efendi al-Ḥanafī (d. 1025/1616?). (shrink)

This paper proposes laying the groundwork for principled moral reasoning as a seminal goal of ethics interventions in higher education, and on this basis, makes a case for educating future specialists and professionals with a foundation in philosophical ethics. Identification of such a seminal goal is warranted by the progressive dissociation of scientific practice and ethical deliberation since the onset of a problematic relationship between science and ethics around the mid-19th century, and the extensive mistrust of integrating ethics in science (...) and engineering curricula beyond its “applied,” “practical,” or “professional” implications. Although calls by international scientific and educational bodies to strengthen ethics teaching in scientific education over the past quarter century have brought about a notion of combining competence in a certain field with competence in ethics, this is neither entrenched in the academic community, nor fleshed out as regards its core or instruments to realize it. The legitimate goals of ethics teaching in higher education, almost settled since the 1980s, can be subsumed under the proposed seminal goal, and the latter also would safeguard content and methods of ethics interventions against the intrusion of indoctrinative approaches. In this paper, derivation of the proposed seminal goal rests on an interpretation of the Kohlbergian cognitive-developmental conception of moral adulthood consisting in autonomous principled moral reasoning. This interpretation involves, based on Kant’s conception of the virtuous person, integrating questions about the “good life” into the domain of principled reasoning. (shrink)

The subject of this study is the naḳīḍa (opposing) type of poetry competitions between the Meccan poet Ḍirār b. al-Khaṭṭāb (d. 12/633) and the Muslim poet Kaʿb b. Mālik (d. 50/670) from Medina during the Battle of Badr, when the Muslims and the polytheists confronted for the first time. The problem is the questioning of the approaches reflected in the naḳīḍa poems, which were used as a means of propaganda and psychological superiority by the Muslims and polytheists during the Battle (...) of Badr. Naḳīḍa poems, the subject of the study, are important for getting to know the two opposite understandings closely and forming an opinion about the naḳīḍa poems sung during the era of the Prophet Muhammad. Although there are some recent studies on naḳīḍa poems from the era of the Prophet, these studies lacked details and only mentioned general features. The interesting approaches and fine details reflected in the verses, such as Ḍirār b. al-Khaṭṭāb's claims aiming to distract attention and discredit the Muslims of Medina in the face of the unexpected defeat of the Meccan army at Badr that the Battle of Badr was a tribal war between the Meccans and the Medinans, makes this study prominent. On the other hand, Kaʿb b. Mālik's verses reflect the approaches bearing traces of the Islamic faith and draw attention to the fact that the battle was between faith and unbelief and the Muslims of Medina were proud of their support for the Messenger of Allah. Undoubtedly, Meccan immigrants participated in the Battle of Badr along with the Muslims of Medina. Even so, Kaʿb b. Mālik does not mention Muhājirs (immigrants) in his verses. This suggests that Kaʿb b. Mālik may have concentrated on responding to the allegations made by Ḍirār b. al-Khaṭṭāb. Document analysis, one of the qualitative method techniques, was used in the study. First, a literature review was conducted to better understand the subject, and the studies related to the field were briefly mentioned. Then, summary information about the concept and background of naḳīḍa is provided. Two call-and-response poems between the Jāhiliyyah period poet Imruʾ al-Qays (d. 545) and ʿAbīd b. al-Abraṣ (d. 555) are included as an example for the first phases of naḳīḍa poems. Then, brief information about the Meccan poet Ḍirār b. al-Khaṭṭāb and the Medinan poet Kaʿb b. Mālik are presented. After the background information, two naḳīḍa poems of both poets were examined and analyzed, and the differences in the Battle of Badr were pointed out. Concepts that are common in the eulogies of the Jāhiliyyah period, such as nobility, being a master warrior, and generosity, draw attention in Ḍirār b. al-Khaṭṭāb's verses. On the other hand, in his verses Ka'b b. Mālik uses terms and expressions brought by Islam such as the Messenger of Allah, there is no Lord but Allah, unbelievers, Hell, and hellfire. In the verses of both poets, there are clues about the commonly used battle orders and war equipment of the period. The opinions are summarised in the conclusion part of the study. (shrink)

Differentiated instruction is an approach that centers on the fact that every student is different and shapes the teaching process according to this reality. Students in the learning environment differ from each other in terms of characteristics such as prior knowledge, interest, needs, learning style, socio-cultural background, cognitive-affective-psychomotor readiness. In order for students with different characteristics to benefit from education in the best way, it is necessary to diversify education in terms of content, teaching-learning process and measurement-evaluation dimensions, taking these (...) differences into account. In this diversification, students' readiness, interest and learning profiles are taken into account as a whole. Although educational programs are prepared by taking the similarities between individuals into account in practice, teachers are expected to diversify the process by taking the individual differences of the students into account and design different learning paths for students with different characteristics. One of the areas that needs to be planned and implemented with a differentiated teaching approach within formal education is religious education. Differentiated religious teaching is to diversify religious teaching in terms of content, learning-teaching process and measurement and evaluation dimensions, taking the individual differences of students into account such as their prior religious knowledge, interest and attitudes towards religion, cultural affiliations and learning profiles. In this study, the self-efficacy perceptions of Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge (“Din Kültürü ve Ahlâk Bilgisi”, abb. DKAB in Turkish) teachers towards differentiated teaching were examined. Determining the self-efficacy perceptions of DKAB teachers regarding differentiated instruction is important in terms of providing information about their success in planning, implementing and evaluating according to differentiated instruction in the Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge course. The research sought answers to the following questions: 1. What are DKAB teachers' self-efficacy perceptions towards differentiated instruction? 2. Is there a significant relationship between DKAB teachers' self-efficacy perceptions towards differentiated instruction and teachers' gender, age, years of service, graduated higher education program and the type of school they work in? The research is a descriptive study and is of quantitative type and survey model. The population of the research consists of DKAB teachers working in primary and secondary education institutions in the 2nd semester of the 2021-2022 academic year. The sample of the research consists of 425 DKAB teachers selected from the population using the appropriate sampling method. Differentiated Instruction Self-Efficacy Scale developed by Mutlu, Öztürk and Aktekin was used to collect the data used in the research. The data collected in the study was analyzed using the SPSS 25.0 package program. According to the findings obtained in the study, DKAB teachers' self-efficacy perceptions regarding differentiated instruction are at a high level. The characteristics of DKAB teachers' age, years of service, and the type of school they work in do not have a significant effect on teachers' self-efficacy perceptions regarding differentiated instruction. There is a significant relationship between DKAB teachers' gender and the characteristics of the higher education program they graduated from and their self-efficacy perceptions. Male teachers consider themselves more competent in differentiated instruction. The self-efficacy perceptions of the teachers who graduated from the primary education DKAB Teaching program are at a higher level than the teachers who graduated from the theology (Ilahiyat) program, which is described as the faculty of theology. It is thought that the research will contribute to the field of differentiated religious teaching. (shrink)

The majority of the Sufi orders, which have their own special ezkar, evrâd, etiquette, and erkan and have survived until today, particularly VI/XII. They were formed over centuries and spread to many parts of the world by dividing into different branches in the historical process. Sufi personalities who belonged to these sufi orders established structures such as dervish lodges and dervish lodges in the regions they reached with great efforts, and they were instrumental in the conversion of many people to (...) Islam. Attributed to its founder, Abdulqadir Geylani, Qadiriyya is one of the most famous of these sufi orders. From the Middle East, especially from Iraq, to Afkaya; It spread over a wide area from Anatolia to the Balkans and China in the east and carried out convent activities with more than fifty branches. The Reshidiyya Sufi Order, which is attributed to Ahmed Reshidi and whose center is in Mosul, is a sect that operates in a wide region from Turkey to India and still has followers in these regions. It can be said that the Reshidiyya Sufi Order, which has its principles and manners, is one of the largest branches of the Qadiriyya. This Sufi order also has relations with the Rifaiyya, Bedewiyya, Desûqiyya, and Suhrawardiyya Sufi Order. Because Ahmed ar-Reshidi, the founder of the sect, is a Sufi figure who received the caliphate from all these sects. Although it is a Sufi order that has spread to this extent in Islamic lands and continues its dervish activities until today, the name of the Reshidiyya sect is not encountered even in the encyclopedic studies conducted in our country on the branches of the Qadiriyya Sufi Order. However, a scholar such as Mollâ Khalil Siirdî, who was mentioned as the "ser ring" in the ijazah ceremonies held in classical madrasahs that continued to be active in Anatolia until today, is one of the caliphs of this order. This humble study has been prepared by making use of the sources obtained through Ahmed ar-Reshidi's last-generation grandchildren after reaching them. With this study, we have been trained in recent times like Ahmed ar-Reshidi, Hz. We will try to introduce a great Sufi figure, who came from the progeny of the Prophet, who devoted his whole life to the task of guidance and who was referred to as the "pole", as well as the principles and manners of the Sufi order he was the founder of. (shrink)

Rü’yetullah, insanın fizyolojik gözüyle Allah’ı görmesi anlamına gelmektedir. Bu tartışmayı Kur’an’daki âyetlerden ve Hz. Peygamber’in sözlerinden hareketle erken döneme kadar götürmek mümkünse de asıl olarak Cehm b. Safvan’ın (ö. 128/745-46) rü’yetullahın mümkün olmayacağını ileri sürmesiyle gün yüzüne çıkmış, Muʿtezile’nin de bu görüşü desteleyerek Allah’ı tenzihten hareketle rü’yetullahın mümkün olmayacağını söylemesiyle yeni bir boyut kazanmıştır. Ehl-i sünnet kelâmını başlatanlardan ve Eşʿarîliğin kurucusu olan Ebü’l-Hasan el-Eşʿarî’de (ö. 324/935-36) Allah’ın baş gözüyle görüleceği üzerinde durmuştur. Allah’ın görülmesi meselesi Ehl-i sünnetin genelinde olduğu gibi Eşʿarî’de (...) de aklen caiz ve naklen vacip olan konular arasındadır. Eşʿarî bu konuyu eserlerinde ele alırken öncelikle rü’yetullah ile ilgili âyetlerden hareket ederek kelimelere verilen çeşitli anlamları açısından değerlendirmeye tabi tutmuştur. Bu anlamları tek tek eleyerek âyetlerde geçen görmeyi ifade eden kavramların gözle görme anlamına geldiğini ispat yoluna gitmiştir. Daha sonra da bu âyetlerin asıl anlamının Allah’ın görülmesine işaret ettiği, bu görmenin Allah’ın kudreti dâhilinde olduğunu hatırlatarak belki dünya cihetiyle değil de âhiret açısından Allah’ın görüleceği anlamına geldiğini belirtmiştir. Aynı zamanda bunu destekleyen hadisleri de ele alarak Hz. Peygamber’in buna işaret ettiğini bildirmiştir. Eşʿarî’nin kelâm konularını ele almasında daha çok nakilci yaklaşımın ağırlıklı olduğunu söylemek mümkündür. Ancak Allah’ın görülmesi meselesinde naklî olmasının yanı sıra bunun aklî olduğunu belirtmesiyle farklı bir yaklaşım sergilediği görülmüştür. Bu açıklamalarında özellikle görenin hadis olması kadim olan görüleni etkilemeyeceğini açıklayarak öncelikle varlık açısından hâdis ve kadim ayırımına gitmektedir. Eşʿarî’ye göre nasıl ki tatma, koklama ve dokunma birer duygu olup insan için kullanıldığında hâdistir. Aynı şekilde görme de insan için hâdis bir duygudur. Gören insanın ve görme duyusunun hâdis ama görülen olan Allah’ın ise hâdis olamayacağını belirtmektedir. Allah’ın gözle görülebileceğine dair ontolojik açıdan yaklaşımına bir başka kanıt ise O’nu görülmesi caiz olan bir varlık olduğunu belirtir. Çünkü olmayanı görmek caiz değildir. Oysa Allah mevcut, sabit olup kendisini görmemiz muhal olmadığına göre o görülecektir. Eşʿarî’ye göre Allah’ın görülmesinin ispatında Onu yaratılmışlara benzetme ve hakikati ters yüz etme anlamına gelmeden şanına yakışacak bir şekilde görülmesinin aklen caiz olduğu yaklaşımı vardır. Çeşitli çalışmalarda farklı konular işlenirken Eşʿarî’nin rü’yetullah ile ilgili görüşlerine arada değinildiği halde konuyla ilgili tüm görüşlerini bir araya getiren özel bir çalışmaya rastlanmamıştır. Bu makalede İmam Eşʿarî’ye göre Allah’ın görülmesi konusunda ortaya koymuş olduğu hem naklî hem de aklî delilleri onun eserlerinden ve birinci elden hareketle ortaya çıkarılması amaçlanmaktadır. (shrink)

Antik-Helenistik dönem ve orta çağlar boyunca nefsin doğasıyla ilgili tartışma konularından birisi nefsin bedene ve bedensel unsurlara indirgenip indirgenemeyeceği hakkındadır. Bu tartışma modern ve çağdaş dönemlere gelindiğinde zihnin bedene indirgenip indirgenemeyeceği tartışmasına dönüşür. Söz konusu tartışma İslam felsefe ve kelamının klasik ve klasik sonrası dönemlerinde de takip edilebilir bir niteliktedir. İslam filozofları büyük oranda gayrı maddi ve gayrı cismani soyut bir töz olarak nefs ile maddi ve cismani somut bir töz olarak beden arasında ayrım yaparak Kartezyen bir formda olmasa da (...) töz düalizmini savunmuşlar ve hem nefs ile bedenin birbirinden başkalığını hem de nefsin soyut bir töz olduğunu iddia etmişlerdir. Buna karşılık özellikle klasik sonrası dönemdeki bazı kelamcılar nefsin bedenden başkalığı noktasında filozoflarla hemfikir olmakla birlikte nefsin bedenden soyutluğu noktasında filozoflardan farklı bir görüş benimsemişler ve nefsin soyut bir cevher olduğuna yönelik felsefi delilleri eleştirmişlerdir. Ali Kuşçu da büyük oranda kendisinden önce özellikle Fahreddin Râzî’de gördüğümüz kelamcı tutumu yansıtacak şekilde hem nefsin bedenden başkalığına vurgu yapmış ve bu doğrultudaki argümanları desteklemiş hem de nefsin soyut bir töz olduğuna yönelik argümanları eleştirmiştir. Bu çalışmada nefsin bedenden başkalığı ile nefsin bedenden soyutluğu arasındaki ayrışma Ali Kuşçu örneği üzerinden incelenecektir. Ali Kuşçu’nun Antik-Helenistik dönemden Orta Çağ’a, İslâm felsefe ve kelamının klasik ve klasik sonrası dönemlerinden modern ve çağdaş döneme kadar takip edilebilen bu tartışmadaki konumu tespit edilmeye çalışılacaktır. (shrink)